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Theodore Mikheev
Theodore Mikheev

Download PDF: Mr Moore the Monster of My Life - The Shocking Confession of a Victim


R. A. Hall (by permission), thought both sides should be heard; did not believe the Pope ever instructed Irishmen to hate and abuse the black man; such sentiments as those of Daniel O'Connell4 he loved, who would willingly sacrifice life for the freedom of his people.


The press, that mighty pendulum of human liberty, is now partly wielded by Anglo-African genius. Refined by the great variety of learning that is open to all, it is effecting a mighty work and changing the tide of events; its columns are perused in the mansions of rulers, the halls of legislation, the sacred precincts of the judiciary, and the humble cabin of the miner; it is emancipating the minds of those in wisdom and power from error, while it teaches its less favored votaries the grand principles upon which governments are founded, and its salutary prerogatives over all its subjects. Our people, being accustomed to act as directed, are quietly but surely receiving the new light that is breaking in upon them, and in anticipation of a higher sphere of action, are mastering the difficulties of language, the intricacies of social and political law, and the breadth and scope of Constitutions. What class of citizens are they who would smother the infant efforts of a struggling race, just emerging from the darkness of a long night into the bright beams of a dawning day? Can it be the noble born American who will refuse us the right to drop a ballot as well as to aim a bullet? They should recollect that their hours of youth, their days of manhood, and their decline of years, have been tenderly watched by the Negro's kindness since the Republic was rocked in infancy. Can it be the warm and generous-hearted Irishman, who first received here, in his adopted country, those gems of liberty that reverted his imagination back to the heroic death and epitaph of Emmet, the gifted eloquence of Walton and the patriotic lessons of the incomparable O'Connell,--whose thrilling tones ever went to the hearts of men for liberty and equality to all races of men? Sir, do not tell me it is the honest and toiling German, whose fatherland has so long kept the undimmed fires of freedom and independence so brightly burning. Why is it the charmed land that cradled renowned Luther and moulded the transcendant genius of Schiller.10 When did these people prove recreant? For their love and struggles for liberty have illumed all Europe and the world, from the dread conflicts of past ages to the memorable revolution of 1848. Do I hear that it is the chivalric son of gigantic France, whose own great Lafayette dedicated life and fortune to the maintenance of the rights of man? Have they degenerated from the electric of the Marseillaise battle hymn of liberty, or will they attempt to wipe from memory the aspirations of their sincere but dreamy Lamartine? To all these people of different races, speaking different languages, and having diverse notions of the true policy of the American government. I know that plausible argument will be produced by our antagonists against the Negro's right to equality before the law. But every righteous cause has always been assailed by subtle argument and almost convincing logic. It is little over the lifetime of temperate men when England's most astute statesmen endeavored to make America believe that George III had a divine right to impose upon the infant colonies "taxation without representation;" but Patrick Henry, in the House of Burgesses of Virginia, and black Crispus Attucks, in the streets of Boston, demurred, and the once humble dependencies are now a might and expanding nation. I need not cite the massacre of St. Bartholomew, 11 where the poor but faithful Huguenot bit the dust of persecution, the horrors of the Spanish Inquisition, and the inhuman cruelties of the monster Philip the Second 12--all of which have been justified by as potent argument as that now produced in opposition to the Negro's elevation. The Negro's right to vote is indisputable, because wherever his mind has been educated he has given the same evidences of proficiency, because he has measured steps with the highest perfection of man's courage, by three times signally rescuing the country from the most impending dangers; because the wise men who lived about the time the National Government was framed, gave black men the right to vote in North Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, and many other slave States, without detriment to the general weal; and it is a historical fact, that there is no word, no line, nor article, interpretative or constructive, embodied in the great instrument, that invalidates the rights of freemen, white or black from its adoption, eighty odd years ago, down to the infamous dogma uttered by Roger B. Taney (oh, that execrable name, equal in infamy with the notorious Jeffreys,13 the Dred Scott decision, enunciating that black men had no rights, because God so willed the color of their skins, --has left an indelible stain upon American jurisprudence, which in a free country should be the most important and useful to all classes of men. Why, sir, the spotless fame of Storey 14 and Marshall 15 will nearly become tarnished in veneration of future generations through the very process of contact that seated such a man upon the same bench or under the same roof where they dispensed the Godlike attributes of justice. The word white, Mr. President, in the Constitution of California, is anti-republican--at variance with the good sense and magnanimity of her people, repugnant to many of her sister States, inconsistent with the present age, and unwise when considered in connection with the intercourse soon to be established with the copper-colored nations of China and Japan. We, as black men, concede the fact that a few years since, when our interest was mingled with slavery and degradation, and when the interest of this flourishing State was under the dominion of such satellites as W. M. Gwin, 16 and P. T. Herbert and J. B. Weller,17 that the black race had nothing to look for but cold indifference and contemptible hatred; but now that the country is reeling upon the brink of ruin, with a yawning abyss of destruction awaiting to receive its crumbling wreck, we ask, calmly but firmly, shall we not be allowed once more to prop its mighty superstructure, so that it may stand the ravages of time? Remember, men in power, the vast responsibilities resting upon your judgement. Other nations have passed through somewhat similar ordeals like yours before they became strong and consolidated; but none like yours have ever been seen trying to devise escapes from the strongest and most reliable element of their support. If you are inspired by that patriotism that sinks all consideration of prejudice, to the greatness and glory of America's future, then all will be well. But if expediency and narrow contracted views govern your councils, and the unmistakable purpose of Divine authority be disregarded, then, like the perverse nations of old, grand and now beautiful America will be mingling with their mouldering decay.




mr moore the monster of my life pdf free download



Mr. Madden said he was born in South Carolina, lived in town until a young man when he went to farming. Had never experienced any of the hardships of plantation life, but had seen the effects on others. When he obtained his freedom he went to farming, and had probably made as much progress as many who had been born free. He is satisfied that farming is the most healthy, lucrative and independent business that can be pursued; the profits are accruing while we are sleeping. Had moved from towns and cities, and went to Arkansas; could not then purchase forty acres of land; when he left he owned nearly a thousand acres. Farming gives character to any people. The colored people of Santa Clara are industrious, and mostly engaged in agricultural and mechanical pursuits.


Mr. Shorter said that Santa Clara county was with this Convention and its actions, in financial and other matters, heart and hand. He was willing to offer his life as a sacrifice, if necessary, to obtain equal rights for his people. He had offered his household gods on the altar of freedom--he had sons and nephews in the army. He was willing to forgive our enemies--but we want our rights.


The Convention of colored citizens, assembled in Sacramento on the 25th, 26th, 27th and 28th of October, present their claim for equal rights before the law, and proceed to show on what principles they predicate their claim, and why those rights should be awarded them in common with all other citizens. First--As freemen by creation, by the laws of California, and by the laws of the Republic. The Declaration of Independence, the great charter or bill of rights of our government, on which is based our National Constitution and all the laws of our country says "all men are created equal," and, as a sequence, all are entitled to equal privileges or "inalienable rights" with which they "are endowed by their Creator," and "among those rights" (others being connected therewith) "are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." The other rights which are indissolubly connected with the foregoing, and without which those expressed would become a nullity, are the protection of the laws, and an equal voice in framing those laws and choosing the adminis


Page 3TO THE PUBLIC. The late insurrection in Southampton has greatly excited thepublic mind, and led to a thousand idle, exaggerated andmischievous reports. It is the first instance in our history ofan open rebellion of the slaves, and attended with such atrociouscircumstances of cruelty and destruction, as could notfail to leave a deep impression, not only upon the minds ofthe community where this fearful tragedy was wrought, butthroughout every portion of our country, in which this populationis to be found. Public curiosity has been on the stretchto understand the origin and progress of this dreadful conspiracy,and the motives which influences its diabolical actors.The insurgent slaves had all been destroyed, or apprehended, tried and executed, (with the exception of the leader,) withoutrevealing any thing at all satisfactory, as to the motiveswhich governed them, or the means by which they expectedto accomplish their object. Every thing connected with thissad affair was wrapt in mystery, until Nat Turner, the leaderof this ferocious band, whose name has resounded throughoutour widely extended empire, was captured. This "greatBandit" was taken by a single individual, in a cave near theresidence of his late owner, on Sunday, the thirtieth of October,without attempting to make the slightest resistance, andon the following day safely lodged in the jail of the County.His captor was Benjamin Phipps, armed with a shot gun wellcharged. Nat's only weapon was a small light sword whichhe immediately surrendered, and begged that his life mightbe spared. Since his confinement, by permission of the Jailor,I have had ready access to him, and finding that he was willing to make a full and free confession of the origin, progressand consummation of the insurrectory movements ofthe slaves of which he was the contriver and head; I determinedfor the gratification of public curiosity to commit his Page 4statements to writing, and publish them, with little or no variation,from his own words. That this is a faithful record ofhis confessions, the annexed certificate of the County Courtof Southampton, will attest. They certainly bear one stampof truth and sincerity. He makes no attempt (as all theother insurgents who were examined did,) to exculpate himself,but frankly acknowledges his full participation in all theguilt of the transaction. He was not only the contriver ofthe conspiracy, but gave the first blow towards its execution. It will thus appear, that whilst every thing upon the surfaceof society wore a calm and peaceful aspect; whilst not one noteof preparation was heard to warn the devoted inhabitants ofwoe and death, a gloomy fanatic was revolving in the recessesof his own dark, bewildered, and overwrought mind,schemes of indiscriminate massacre to the whites. Schemestoo fearfully executed as far as his fiendish band proceededin their desolating march. No cry for mercy penetratedtheir flinty bosoms. No acts of remembered kindnessmade the least impression upon these remorseless murderers.Men, women and children, from hoary age to helpless infancywere involved in the same cruel fate. Never did a band ofsavages do their work of death more unsparingly. Apprehensionfor their own personal safety seems to have been theonly principle of restraint in the whole course of their bloodyproceedings. And it is not the least remarkable feature inthis horrid transaction, that a band actuated by such hellishpurposes, should have resisted so feebly, when met by thewhites in arms. Desperation alone, one would think, mighthave led to greater efforts. More than twenty of them attackedDr. Blunt's house on Tuesday morning, a little beforeday-break, defended by two men and three boys. Theyfled precipitately at the first fire; and their future plans ofmischief, were entirely disconcerted and broken up. Escapingthence, each individual sought his own safety eitherin concealment, or by returning home, with the hope that hisparticipation might escape detection, and all were shotdown in the course of a few days, or captured and brought totrial and punishment. Nat has survived all his followers,and the gallows will speedily close his career. His own accountof the conspiracy is submitted to the public, withoutcomment. It reads an awful, and it is hoped, a useful lesson,as to the operations of a mind like his, endeavoring to grapplewith things beyond its reach. How it first became bewilderedand confounded, and finally corrupted and led to Page 5the conception and perpetration of the most atrocious andheart-rending deeds. It is calculated also to demonstrate thepolicy or our laws in restraint of this class of our population,and to induce all those entrusted with their execution, aswell as our citizens generally, to see that they are strictly andrigidly enforced. Each particular community should look toits own safety, whilst the general guardians of the laws, keepa watchful eye over all. If Nat's statements can be reliedon, the insurrection in this county was entirely local, and hisdesigns confided but to a few, and these in his immediate vicinity.It was not instigated by motives of revenge or suddenanger, but the results of long deliberation, and a settledpurpose of mind. The offspring of gloomy fanaticism, actingupon materials but too well prepared for such impressions.It will be long remembered in the annals of our country, andmany a mother as she presses her infant darling to her bosom,will shudder at the recollection of Nat Turner, and his bandof ferocious miscreants. Believing the following narrative, by removing doubts andconjectures from the public mind which otherwise must haveremained, would give general satisfaction, it is respectfullysubmitted to the public by their ob't serv't,T. R.GRAY.


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